2,485

這晚真爽！

先有上半場的自我娛樂，加有人落疊的music show。

接著下半場就有我們的2,485。

歷蘇、小欣和我，還有看不見的 on cow cow。

歷蘇要堅著三點式喔。我冇寫錯，係曆蘇 -__-"

發現號

韓寒在《1988我想和這個世界談談》有一段是這樣寫的：

流沙說，你怎麼能反抗我。我要吞沒你。

我說，那我就讓西風帶走我。

於是我毅然往上一掙扎，其實也沒有費力。我離開了流沙，往腳底下一看，操，原來我不是一個植物，我是一隻動物，這幫孫子騙了我二十多年。作為一個有腳的動物，我終於可以決定我的去向。我回頭看了流沙一眼，流沙說，你走吧，別告訴別的植物其實他們是個動物。

看似是踏實的沙土，卻是飄流的。一點點也承受不起；依靠著它的，除除的，往下沉，直至不見陽光，永不超生。

動物、植物皆有生命，難逃一死。可是，我不會不戰而死。

我是動物，因為我有思想。思考後，發覺流沙虛有其表，並不可靠。

最忐忑最困難的時候，從來在下決定之前。當你跋足起動後，發現一切不過爾爾。

你不需待人給你灌水方能存活，你也可自行遠征一遍。

他們一心走出錯地點，幹下遠征一遍。

選民力量 @ New York Times

那天，Herald Tribune 的記者突然造訪，我們就在年宵攤位內和 Didi Tatlow 傾談了一句鐘。報導在今天的 The New York Times 刊出。

In Hong Kong, Market for Flowers and Democratic Ideals

By DIDI KIRSTEN TATLOW

Published: February 9, 2011

Politics as well as the scent of spring blossoms was in the air last week at the traditional Chinese New Year’s Eve flower market in Victoria Park.

Under thousands of light bulbs that lit up the night sky and illuminated mandarin orange trees, narcissus blooms and pussy willows, a drama played out that revealed a city in a state of high political flux. Young people, frustrated by a lack of progress toward democracy 14 years after the end of British colonial rule, are seizing the initiative from established parties and beginning to reshape the agenda.

Since the 1997 transfer to Chinese rule, the Democratic Party has led a campaign for democracy in the face of resistance from Hong Kong’s conservative, Beijing-appointed leaders and the Communist Party.

The task is Sisyphean, and the Democrats have little to show for it.

Yet Hong Kong is changing, in ways that are spurring calls for democratic reform from new corners. Money is flooding in from a booming mainland Chinese economy, creating wealth but also sharpening inequality and, in some circles, fueling resentment at the opacity of China’s business and political system.

Against this background, seeking perhaps to end a long, frustrating stalemate, the Democrats last year accepted a Beijing-approved constitutional reform package. The deal increases the number of seats in the city’s Legislative Council that are directly elected by the public from 30 to 40, out of a new total of 70 seats. (The other seats are elected under a “functional constituency” system, chosen by a small circle based on professional affiliation.)

The government presented the deal as a first step toward possible direct elections of the chief executive in 2017 and a fully directly elected Legislature by 2020. Chief Executive Donald Tsang called the deal “a triumph of reason.”

But critics denounced what they saw as a betrayal of the pro-democracy camp’s longstanding goal of a fully elected Legislature by 2012. In response, dozens of feisty voices have sprung up on online radio shows that draw tens of thousands of listeners, and at least three new political parties have been formed since December.

Hong Kong is still the freest place in China. At the New Year’s market, alongside the flowers and the Year of the Rabbit-themed merchandise, were stalls displaying the range of civic activity here.

The Falun Gong spiritual movement, banned on the mainland, had a stall. The Roman Catholic Church was there, as were defenders of China’s claim to the Diaoyu Islands, disputed by Japan, which calls them the Senkakus.

Albert Ho, chairman of the Democratic Party, was writing traditional calligraphy for fairgoers, in return for donations to his party, at a stand belonging to the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements in China, a group set up in the wake of the 1989 crackdown around Tiananmen Square.

He said he had been wielding the brush for six hours straight. “People ask for all sorts of things,” he said. “Good health. Democracy in China.”

A young woman requested a traditional proverb: “Study deeply and achieve reason.”

“This is really interesting,” Mr. Ho enthused. “Really interesting.”

There was a hint of sadness as well. In January, Szeto Wah, arguably the city’s most loved democracy campaigner and the alliance’s founder, died of lung cancer, at the age of 79. Mr. Ho, determined to carry on his mentor’s calligraphic tradition, was taking “Uncle Wah’s” place.

But the new democracy advocates were also well represented.

“We don’t depend on politicians. Everyone can take part in politics!” said Ka Lok, 21, at a stand he ran with a friend, Ma Jai, 17. They were selling T-shirts showing Mr. Tsang’s deputy, Henry Tang, sporting devil’s horns. Mr. Tang is especially unpopular among young activists for comments that they could meet “a tragic end.”

Farther down, through crowds so dense a visitor could only inch forward, was a stall occupied by the Web radio station hkreporter.com, and a new political party called Power Voters. High-spirited democracy advocates joshed the crowd, offering wares that made clear their differences with the Democratic Party: blow-up cudgels showing the party’s vice chairwoman, Emily Lau, as a fake “Goddess of Democracy.”

A red-and-yellow cushion mocked Ms. Lau and seven other Democratic Party leaders, including Albert Ho, as Snow White and the Seven Dwarves.

“The Democratic Party betrayed us,” said Christopher Lau, 34, of hkreporter.com. “They said they would fight for universal suffrage in 2012, but they didn’t.”

“The political landscape in Hong Kong is shifting,” said his colleague Anthony Lam, 34. “No one knows where it’s going.”

The Web site, founded by the filmmaker Stephen Shiu, has a staff of just five, as well as about 30 hosts paid a small amount per show. Google’s Alexa rankings list it as Hong Kong’s 23rd most popular Web site.

Mr. Lam said they considered themselves part of the online, global network of youth-led protest. In December, their Web site posted what it said was a still-unreleased WikiLeaks document claiming to show 5,000 private Swiss bank accounts belonging to senior Chinese leaders — “evidence,” if true, of major corruption among top Communist Party officials.

The specter of China, powerful and unaccountable, haunts many young people.

“A younger generation is starting to succumb to the fact that they have no choice to the economic power of China,” Mr. Lau said. “But we have a profound sense of alienation. It’s a scary place.”

What do they want? “Immediate democracy in Hong Kong,” he said.

Of the new political parties, two — the NeoDemocrats and Power Voters — are explicitly taking on the Democratic Party.

A third, the conservative New People’s Party, led by former security chief Regina Ip, was also represented at the park. Ms. Ip has hinted that she would like the job of chief executive.

“She stands for the knowledge economy and democracy,” said a woman wearing a New People’s Party T-shirt, gathering contact names and e-mail addresses on a clipboard. “It’s true she is not in the pan-democratic camp, but she does want democracy in Hong Kong.”

As for the Democratic Party, it holds that a step-by-step approach serves Hong Kong well and will ultimately increase democracy. Its chairman, Mr. Ho, looking up from his calligraphy, considered its critics.

People like Mr. Lau and Mr. Lam, he said, “are left-wingers, just like Sartre or Camus in France in the 1960s.”

“They want constant revolt against the government. But we are not going to allow them to lead the agenda.”

Thank you Didi for her professionalism. It was a nice chat.

牛丼

來玩一個看圖作文的遊戲。

（圖一）

（圖二）

（圖三）

（圖四）

（圖五）

標準答案：

繼昨晚的牛排後，媽媽今午繼續當白老鼠。還有，家中菲籍傭人。

你試過煮飯給菲傭沒有？！

新春靈異事件之我跟媽媽撐檯腳，仲要係我煮 -__-"

所謂嘅煮，不過係牛扒啫；但係對上一次都有十年前...

先同媽媽去超市買餸，我揀料，佢俾錢。呵呵。

先落牛油，再加白蘭地。

有埋沙律𠻹！幾細心 XDDD

仲有雜菜伴碟，「近」！上檯！

加啲介辣，夠晒！

食完晒，阿媽先話屋企係有西餐碟，下次可以用 -_-"

This is my fourth day of the New Year.

食齋不如講政話

《明報》最近的社評說到菜園村的搬村事宜，卻沒有全面陳述事實；結果惹來不少團體「狙擊」。「狙擊」包括寫文反擊、燒報抗議等。

我支持所有針對《明報》的「狙擊」行動；縱使它是現今芸芸報章中，偏向支持非建制的少數。

支持，因為《明報》不義。

同樣，因為《民主黨》的不義，我支持「狙擊」他們。

錯，不打緊，最緊要承認錯誤；可是《明報》跟《民主黨》也沒有。

《明報》一定比《文匯》、《大公》、《星島》更推祟民主理念。

我的問題是：為什麼針對《明報》而放過《民主黨》的團體，不狙擊《文匯》、《大公》、《星島》呢？它們天天也有支持建制的謬論。它們才是主要敵人喔！這些團體是左報的打手嗎？不是要以大局為重嗎？難度狙擊《明報》是為了博上位嗎？！

同志，請不要在背後開鎗！

******

司徒華先生的安息禮拜，教堂內響起六長四短的鐘聲，代表他對平反六四的堅持。

但願這些鐘聲能敲醒所謂的民主派元老。

有民主派元老說到，既然去年的政改方案已成事實，我們應該「為團結而團結」。不然，客觀事實就是協助《民建聯》助選。

這個論述很曾蔭權。

曾蔭權不是在０９年的一個答問大會中說過，六四已是很久遠的事情嗎？！國家在各方面也有驕人的發展，亦帶動香港的經濟。他希望大家可以信賴香港人會作出客觀的評價。

若然大家抱著這態度，過去就讓它過去，不去明辯事非，香港的民主發展最終只會嚮起三長兩短的喪鐘。

過去十多二十年，香港的民主發展一直以《民主黨》為首。但自從去年六月一役，《民主黨》選擇出賣選民，背棄盟友，投票支持政改爛方案，大家方才醒覺。原來，一直以民主自居的「大佬」也靠不得來。

求人不如求己，希望各位能在２０ １ １，發放政能量，誓要「民字頭」政黨票債票償。

同場加映慢必在《城市論壇》的精彩發言：

A performance of last year

這個是半年前在《毓民棟篤串之尋找不該的故事III消滅黃毓民？》的暖場演出。

是第二場，也是第二個script。

短短半年，形勢波譎雲詭。即將於2月26日舉行的《毓民棟篤串之尋找不該的故事IV票債票償》又會是另一個故事。

今次的嘉賓將是【選民力量】。

P.S. 事實是我跟毓民早有勾結。哈。

2011 爆發政能量

親愛的成員及志工們：

由去年九月二十日至今，【選民力量】正式成立剛好四個月。

短短四個月，一身疲憊。

要說的道理，說過了。要明的，已明白。不要明的，永不想明。

我很喜歡【選民力量】這個名字。它的奇妙之處是正反兩面均可適用。認同我們理念的選民，可發揮力量，用選票量化我們的付出。相反，否定我們的選民，也大可發揮其力量投票給別的候選人。從定案【選民力量】那一刻，引証我們沒有私心，一齊皆以選民的決定為依歸；我們真正體現民主。

政圈這片是非地，經常無風起巨浪，明刀暗箭從四方八面而來，就算高度戒備，也難倖免。還好，我們沒有遍體鱗傷。面對冷嘲熱諷，肆意抹黑，我們從不害怕，只是有點累吧？！

選舉越是臨近，打壓越是強烈；未來日子，我們可能會犯錯。但我深信，縱使是一個人的問題，大家會一起面對； 一個人的困難，大家會一起解決。我們是一個團隊，輸贏都在一起。

這一年，就樣我們轟轟烈列地大幹一場。成功與否不重要，至少我們曾經挺身而出，大聲告訴香港誰是出賣我們的政黨，勇敢地承擔結果。

2011，爆發政能量！

祝 安好

雨陽

快樂抗爭

P.S. Some words inspired by a declaration from Ms. Vivian Chow

2011的第一份禮

這是2011年收到的第一份禮物。

發生在1月6日星期四深夜。

不知是歷蘇腳頭好，還是天娜真的「大波」；總之，那晚望住個counter不斷向上升，向上升，最後，按奈不住，索性自己refresh好了。那一刻，在《五個一夜情》的chatroom內，有破紀錄的人數：1,736！

除了感謝，還是感謝。萬分。

一早做政事

以下是昨天（15/1）寫下的稿。

落筆時也察覺用澳門來比較帶點牽強。不過，為了某些從來睇錢份上的香港人，這個方法可能更直接易明；所以「夾硬嚟」咗一次。

不過信奉求其命的我，還是依賴突如其來的反應：「我知妳善忘同埋善變」。

多謝主席，同時亦都要多謝民主黨。因為如果唔係民主黨喺舊年6月，投咗神棍嘅一票，我哋呢一班支持香港民主發展嘅朋友都好難有機會濟濟一堂，喺星期六嘅朝早，聚首喺呢個議事廳，縱使我哋明知不何為而為之。

今日我哋喺討論《行政長官選舉(修訂)條例草案》同埋《立法會(修訂)條例草案》，兩條獨立嘅條例草案，偏偏被安排捆綁喺同一個會議舉行。行政長官代表行政機關， 立法會係立法機關，由民主黨喺舊年選擇出賣選民、背棄盟友，同特區政府捆綁式談判兩條原本獨立嘅條例草案開始，我哋就知道，兩個本來互相制行嘅機關，註定只可以狼狽為奸。

特區政府喺舊年十月公佈咗兩個選舉辦法嘅細節之後，坊間主要集中討論屬於立法會，所謂「超級區議員」嘅提名門檻同埋選舉開支上限，而提及行政長官嘅產生辦法就相對零聲落索。理有好簡單，因為傳媒覺得冇嘢好講。一來全港700萬人就得1200人有得選，二來，跟本成個方案，由09年11月第一次提出直到舊年6月投票通過之後，原封不動。因為民主黨棄兵曳甲，投票通過嘅時候，丁點都冇修訂過，即係民主黨支持一個比05年時候提出，更倒推嘅一個方案。因為05年嘅時侯，起碼個選舉委員會都提意增加到1600人啦。

一國兩制全世界只有中國實行，所以除咗澳門，好難搵到另一個地方同香港類比。澳門有60萬人口，選舉委員會有300人，即係0.05%，係好少㗎。不過都多過香港成三陪，因為跟據而家嘅草案，我哋700萬人，得1200人有得選特首，少過0.02%。難怪，近年好多香港人羨慕澳門人，一海之隔，人哋近幾年嘅人均收入不斷上升，每年淨袋五，六千蚊。澳門人不斷向上流，香港人就係比呢啲出賣香港嘅政棍一手推到我哋向下流。所以冇民主就冇民生！

今日我就用民主黨創黨元老司徒華先生嘅一句名言：「成功不必在我，功成其中有我」送比民主黨。自從你哋喺去年春夏之交的政治風波，屠殺誠信之後，我哋知道爭取民主嘅政黨已經撒手塵寰。我哋一定會鼓動選民，發揮力量，全力接好民主棒！

經常說議會生活不是我杯茶；一早九點，口齒不清，嚴重窒脷。還是覺得越夜越美麗。

還有，慢必和劉嗡的發言緊隨。